The End of Oil at the Corcoran Gallery
In Edward Burtynsky’s exhibit Oil, Azerbaijan represents both the birthplace of the modern oil industry and the site of its demise. Burtynsky: Oil is running until December 13th, 2009 at the Corcoran Gallery in Washington, DC.
SOCAR Oil Fields #2 Baku, Azerbaijan, 2006 © Edward Burtynsky
The stunning colors of these industrial landscapes, many of which are framed by nature in the perhaps unattainable distance, are grossly humbled by the computer screen; however, larger images are available on Burtynsky’s website.
SOCAR Oil Fields #3 Baku, Azerbaijan, 2006 © Edward Burtynsky
Confronting Memory through Art in Turkey
This fall, an Istanbul art exhibit at the BM SUMA Art Center is breaking the silence over a collective Turkish memory that some would like to forget and others find impossible to ignore. The “Dirty Story” exhibit confronts the memory of Turkey’s 1980 military coup through art in hopes of coming to a modern understanding of the deaths, detentions, human rights abuses, and pain caused by that era of Turkey’s not-so-distant past. The exhibit also challenges political and artistic censorship in Turkey, with photos of muzzled artists alongside a photographed tombstone, engraved with a gun.
Tarih-i Kadim (The Old History) artist unknown
Whenever grotesque and inhuman events tear the social fabric of a society, it takes strength and courage to initiate healing. Leave it to Turkish artists to tackle this challenge.
In recent weeks and months, much of the global Armenian diaspora have mobilized in opposition to the Armenian-Turkish protocols. At the core of their opposition is pain that results from Turkey’s ongoing denial of the Armenian genocide. The protocols do not address this wound – they arguably make it worse by having both countries agree to a historic commission.
What is not being addressed within the diaspora, Armenia, or Turkey is the difference between rapprochement and reconciliation. The diaspora’s response to the protocols demonstrates the difference between the two and the need for rapprochement not to preclude or prevent reconciliation. In fact, the protocols have the potential to pave the way for more efforts, more courage, and more drive for understanding and peace between these groups.
The “Dirty Story” exhibit offers a model for initiating reconciliation that could be applied to the memory of the Armenian genocide. Besides obliterating Armenian society in eastern Anatolia, the genocide destroyed the social fabric of late Ottoman and early Turkish societies. The ramifications of genocide denial reverberate in Turkey to the present day. The timing is perfect for an artistic collaboration to explore this trauma and shock all sides into an atmosphere where reconciliation is possible.
[Thanks to Rob at Art Threat for bringing this exhibit to my attention.]
Score for Democracy?
The BBC’s hilarious, yet adept, headline today heralds the end of Afghanistan’s two month-long election debate: Karzai Declared Elected President.
Photo Credit: Massoud Hossaini / AFP - Getty Images
Of course, it helps when your sole competition drops out. However, this also makes it harder to call it an election in the first place.
April 24th – an Anniversary to Remember
Two of my wonderful, non-Armenian, activist friends are getting hitched this spring. To be more specific, they are getting married on April 24th. While I am sure they are hoping for a lovely spring Saturday, April 24th is also annual Armenian genocide remembrance day and a day that often coincides with a climax of genocide recognition activism.
So, much to my surprise, I returned home from a weekend out of town to find the couple’s “save-the-date” postcard affixed to my fridge (by my charming, non-Armenian boyfriend) with a ceramic pomegranate magnet, picked up at Vernissage in 2008. I did a double take:
"save-the-date" on fridge with magnet
Close up:
"save-the-date" - close up
The whole set up was too rich to keep to myself – so I just had to share.
As it turns out, the happy couple was asked to “disperse” by the police as the mother-of-the-bride was snapping the shot. Note to self: no cuteness allowed at demonstrations in Washington, DC.
UPDATE: Because the couple share a love for human rights, history, and awareness, they are interested in incorporating a small Armenian something-or-other into their ceremony or reception out of respect. Their diplomacy is beyond commendable. Please offer up your ideas in the comments section.
Signed – next up: Ratification
Eduard Nalbandian and Ahmet Davutoglu sign the protocols. Credit: Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs
On Saturday October 10th, Armenian and Turkey took step two towards normalizing relations between their two countries. Reports of last-minute, pre-signing glitches and post-signing extra conditions are adding some drama to Armenian, Turkish, international, and regional media coverage of the highly anticipated and, to many, highly dreaded moment.
Eduard Nalbandian and Ahemt Davutoglu after signing the protocols. Credit: Fotoloor/Asbarez
In short, although the protocols have been signed by both countries, both governments must now ratify the documents, which would open up diplomacy and the Armenian-Turkish border within two months. Turkish PM Erdogan is already standing up with a precondition: Armenia must pull out of its occupied NK territories. Meanwhile, members of the Armenian diaspora are continuing with their protests and demonstrations against the protocols, because the documents includes an agreement on a “dialogue on the historical dimension with the aim to restore mutual confidence.”
Perhaps my favorite coverage of the new precondition was anticipated by ArmComedy with the headline “Turkey’s New Precondition: Sargsyan must attend Gul’s Birthday Party.“
To ratification and beyond, I will be watching the diplomacy unfold.
All-Armenia Tour ‘09!!!
I like the idea of an pan-Armenia tour. I would like to do one someday – hit up Manchester, Buenos Aires, Cairo…
Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan is wrapping up his week-long all-Armenia tour in Rostov-on-Don/Rostov-na-Donu after stops in Paris, New York, Los Angeles, and Beirut. His purpose: to rep the protocols to the protocol-bashers, namely, diasporans around the world.
You might have heard about his reception. In Paris, protesters scuffled with the police. In NYC, young activists fought to have their voices heard. In Los Angeles, thousands picketed Sargsyan, shouting votch! (no!) outside of the Beverly Hills Hotel.
"don't betray" UHaul parked across from the Armenian consulate in Los Angeles. Credit: StopTheProtocols.com
The protests were not limited to Sargsyan’s tour, either – protests have sprung up in Montreal, Toronto, and Argentina. Glendale and Los Angeles – if we can separate the two – have been particularly active both before and after Sargsyan’s visit.
Like good activists, diasporan organizers have done an excellent job gathering protesters and publicizing their events. Conflicts between picketers and riot police – caught on camera and video – nicely convey the passion these diasporans feel about the protocols. To the media, it sure looks like the diaspora is unified in their opposition Indeed – as discussed previously – the diasporan political parties are mostly united - and more groups join in every day – the Zoryan Institute, AGBU, various schools and churches. The combination of self-promotion paired with the sudden burst of diasporan activism ensures that the protests will make the news.
This worries me. While I do no oppose the protocols, I do not fully support them either. You are not going to find me on a street corner with a witty poster because I am not a blind nationalist – of the Republic or of the nation. I see benefits and dangers in the protocols, but I am willing to let them play out. They will not fix everything – and they will not ruin everything. However, I am not inspired by Armenian youths in California forming a human chain to prevent Sargsyan from visiting their local genocide memorial. In fact, I see some really detrimental behavior shaping up in the form of these protests:
1. Like with section 907 of the Freedom of Support Act – the diaspora is once again actively interfering with Armenia’s foreign policy. The opposition claims that Armenia is not on equal negotiating grounds with Turkey – but have they considered their role in tipping the power scales against Armenia?
2. Diasporan media outlets are owned by diasporan political parties and those parties are part of the anti-protocol coalition. They promote and report on the opposition – and that becomes the de facto truth. Like I said, I am not out there repping my ambivalence towards the protocols – and that wouldn’t be nearly as sexy as straight-up opposition anyways. When there is only one voice speaking for the diaspora – that will become the only voice.
NYC protest Credit: Asbarez
3. Diasporan youth are being indoctrinated into an Armenian identity that is primarily based on the Armenian cause. This is not new. However, the urgency of the situation is new. Youths tend to take these revolutionary things pretty seriously, and hatred will form. Hatred without proper means of reconciliation gets desperate, and that leads to extremism.
My inner pessimist is already anticipating the day when the protocols will fail and a roar of victory will rise up from the diaspora: “we did it! now we can get back to advocating for Turkey’s admission of the genocide.” I love the activism, I love the passion – I just think it is misguided. If the diaspora’s goal is to achieve recognition for the genocide from Turkey (I will leave NK out of this for now) the diaspora needs to start becoming the change they want to see. It isn’t going to happen by force, guilt, or political pressure – it will happen through knowledge and understanding.
Stop the Peace, I mean, Protocols
Diasporan dissent is hitting the streets with a new campaign called Stop the Protocols. This coalition of Armenian youth groups and diasporan organizations opposes protocols between the Armenian and Turkish governments that would establish diplomatic relations between the countries and open their shared border. According to the Stop the Protocols website:
These protocols, if accepted by Armenia, will result in the surrendering of the Armenian Cause*, the end for Karabakh’s independence, and the nullification of the Armenian people’s legal rights to historic Armenia.
[*The Armenian Cause, once broadly understood as all efforts towards maintaining Armenian-ness in dispersion (language, food, music, religion) is now commonly used to describe the campaign for genocide recognition and all related activities.]
Rally poster, Photo in poster credit: armenianamerica.wordpress.com
These protocols, understandably, trigger many of the passions and fears of the diaspora. However, what is surprising to me is how unified the diaspora is when it comes to condemning the protocols. All three political parties active in the diaspora (and yes, the Armenian diaspora has had full fledged political parties for 90+ years) are supporting a “Stop The Protocols” rally in California on September 27th. That’s the Dashnaks, Hnchaks, and Ramgavars. Maybe I shouldn’t be so surprised by this. These three groups have unified in the past for genocide recognition campaigns. Furthermore, the likelihood that the protocols will translate into action is high, so opposition to them might seem like these parties’ last hope to represent their diasporan constituents before the protocols push them and their goals into oblivion. The Stop the Protocols coalition also includes the ARF Shant Student Association, Unified Young Armenians, Armenian Youth Federation, Woodbury University Armenian Students Association, and the UCLA Armenian Students Association.
While I understand their drive, I disagree with their position. The diaspora is comfortable speaking on behalf of the Armenian nation; however, the diaspora has the economic and social stability to be idealistic. The diaspora and its political parties can afford (financially and ideologically) to be stridently nationalistic, seek reparations, demand autonomy for NK, and make genocide recognition the focus of their political activism. It is really easy to be an armchair nationalist, write some checks, and rant about Obama dodging the g-word. It is much harder to make a living in the Ararat valley and worry about your son’s mandatory military service and whether or not he will be sent to NK. Of course the Armenians of Armenia are concerned about NK, genocide recognition, and mets hayk – but they are also the ones who have the deal with the day-to-day reality of two closed borders, a smoldering war, and missed opportunities for trade, tourism, and pipelines. So when diasporan groups speak on behalf of the Armenian nation, it comes across as selfish and self-indulgent.
I also disagree with the doomsday effect the Stop the Protocols campaign is forecasting if the protocols are signed. The end of the Armenian cause is impossible. I think this fear is based on Turkey’s ongoing genocide denial and the potential for the genocide to be used as a bartering chip in negotiations, from the state-to-state rapprochement between Armenia and Turkey to regional relationships – like Turkey’s accession to the EU. While I agree that it might be harder to get Turkey to recognize the genocide after Armenia and Turkey establish relations, truth be told, getting Turkey to recognize the genocide hasn’t been going so well for the past century. Blaming the death of the Armenian cause on the protocols sounds defeatist to me.
credit: Tufenkian Foundation
Blaming the protocols for ending NK’s independence is also uncalled for. First of all, NK’s independence is kind of weak – not even Armenia recognizes NK as an independent nation. Furthermore, Turkey has long had a hand in the peace process and continues to have an interest – protocols or not. After a 15-year ceasefire, it is time for the NK conflict to be resolved, and not everyone is going to be happy about it. The diaspora is attached to the NK conflict because of how it resonates with 1915; however it is not true nor fair to equate Nagorno Karabakh to eastern Anatolia.
And finally – the Stop the Protocols campaign is also opposed to the protocols because they would nullify the “legal rights” of Armenians to historic Armenia. When it comes to territory, the diaspora has always been on its own: not a single Armenian president has ever made claims on Eastern Anatolia, including the current one. However, several cases out of California have made inroads into reclaiming financial assets. I think this is more realistic.
credit: stoptheprotocols.com
What the campaign boils down to is a conflict between the Republic of Armenia and its diaspora over who best represents the Armenian nation. Traditional, nationalism is the domain of nation states; however, the Armenian diaspora has its own nationalism complete with political parties and political agendas. More and more, the President of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan is excluding the diasporan perspective from Armenia’s national and foreign policies. As the Stop the Protocols campaign demonstrates, the diaspora is ready and willing to strike back.
Presidential Bromance
Thanks to Trina from drawing my attention to a great photo-essay in this month’s Foreign Policy: Vova and Dima 4eva?
DMITRY ASTAKHOV/AFP/Getty Images
As mentioned in the article, Medvedev and Putin have a carefully executed public friendship – one that has been well captured by photographers. However, as the title of this essay suggests with nicknames and junior high shorthand, these photos also present a level of intimacy between the prez and former prez: relaxed body language, intense eye-contact, and a general sense of ease and comfort in each other’s company.
DMITRY ASTAKHOV/AFP/Getty Images
What struck me was not the homoerotic, but rather, the domestic nature of many of these shots. Whether walking the dog, sipping coffee on the porch, or sharing a laugh over dinner, these two Russian powerhouses have created a space in which their friendship can blossom for years to come.
DMITRY ASTAKHOV/AFP/Getty Image
For the full photo essay, click here.
NK violence
The BBC reported last night that as many as five Armenian soldiers may have been killed in a cease-fire breach on the Nagorno Karabakh-Azerbaijan border. This 15-year-old cease-fire has been challenged before, and reports of skirmishes between soldiers posted on the border are not uncommon; however, there are a couple things that make this clash interesting:
1. So far, it has only been reported by international and Azeri media.
2. The NK Defence Ministry spokesman Senor Hasratian denies that the clash took place.
NK map credit: armenian-history.com
My first thought was how odd it is for Azerbaijan is reporting on how they are breaching the cease-fire. So they must have a reason for exposing it just like NK must have a reason for covering it up.
The protocols. Yup – NK was kind of left off the table in the latest round of diplomacy building between Armenia and Turkey. Perhaps skirmishes on the frontline are a way to re-insert this unresolved conflict issue into the negotiations – or dare I say – to complicate them.
Armenian language = Armenian oil?
Riding high on diplomacy, Armenia’s Foreign Minister Eduard Nalbandian met with Georgian Foreign Minister Grigol Vashadze on September 1st to discuss the Armenians of Javakhk. Armenians make up approximately six percent of Georgia’s population with formidable pockets in Tbilisi, Abkhazia, Adjara, and especially Samtskhe-Javakheti, which the Armenians call Javakhk. Ethnic Armenians make up the majority in Javakhk and have, on and off, advocated for autonomous status – like South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and Adjara. 
As reported in Asbarez, Javakhk NGOs have been calling on Sargsyan to work with Georgian president Saakashvili on four issues: making Armenian an official regional language, preserving Armenian churches and historical sites, ensuring the release of “young Armenian community leader” Vahagn Chakhalyan (actually the leader of Javakhk’s separatist movement), and making it possible for the Armenians of Javakhk to receive dual Armenian-Georgian citizenship, which Asbarez maintains is a “right provided by both countries’ constitutions.” Dream big, NGOs.
During his meeting with the Georgian Foreign Minister, Nalbandian stuck to the language and church/historical monuments preservation arguments, and they were received cordially by his counterpart.
Clearly, maintaining the Armenian language where ever it is spoken is in Armenia’s best interest – but there is another juicy bit to Armenia’s support of Javakhk: the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline. 
The South Caucasus natural gas pipeline follows a similar route, but ends in Erzurum. Armenia was totally avoided during the construction of these pipelines and, man, does it hurt. Armenia’s non-existent diplomacy with Turkey was a major factor in the bypass. Now that things appear to be changing on that front, Armenia could be looking to make up for lost time (and profits). Perhaps leading with language preservation is a diplomatic foot-in-the-door to opening a broader discussion on Armenia’s new role in regional energy politics.
